In this chapter, we will examine various aspects of power and
politics in organizations, beginning with the topic of power in
interpersonal relations. Here, power is defined and distinguished
from the related concepts of authority and leadership, and several
bases of power and aspects of power dependency are discussed.
Although these aspects of power also relate to group situations,
they are more germane to interpersonal relations.
What Is Power?
Numerous definitions of power abound in the literature on
organizations. One of the earliest was suggested by Max Weber, the
noted German sociologist, who defined power as
“the probability that one actor within a social relationship will
be in a position to carry out his own will despite resistance.”
Similarly, Emerson wrote, “The power of actor A over actor B is the
amount of resistance on the part of B which can be potentially
overcome by A.” Following these and other definitions, we will
define power for our purposes as an interpersonal
relationship in which one individual (or group) has the ability to
cause another individual (or group) to take an action that would
not be taken otherwise.
In other words, power involves one person changing the behavior
of another. It is important to note that in most organizational
situations, we are talking about implied force to comply,
not necessarily actual force. That is, person A has power
over person B if person B believes that person
A can, in fact, force person B to comply.
Power, Authority, and Leadership
Clearly, the concept of power is closely related to the concepts
of authority and leadership (see Figure \(\PageIndex{1}\)). In
fact, power has been referred to by some as “informal authority,”
whereas authority has been called “legitimate power.” However,
these three concepts are not the same, and important differences
among the three should be noted.
As stated previously, power represents the capacity of one
person or group to secure compliance from another person or group.
Nothing is said here about the right to secure compliance—only the
ability. In contrast, authority represents the
right to seek compliance by others; the exercise of authority is
backed by legitimacy. If a manager instructs a secretary to type
certain letters, he presumably has the authority to make such a
request. However, if the same manager asked the secretary to run
personal errands, this would be outside the bounds of the
legitimate exercise of authority. Although the secretary may still
act on this request, the secretary’s compliance would be based on
power or influence considerations, not authority.
Hence, the exercise of authority is based on group acceptance of
someone’s right to exercise legitimate control. As Grimes notes,
“What legitimates authority is the promotion or pursuit of
collective goals that are associated with group consensus. The
polar opposite, power, is the pursuit of individual or
particularistic goals associated with group compliance.”
Finally, leadership is the ability of one
individual to elicit responses from another person that go beyond
required or mechanical compliance. It is this voluntary aspect of
leadership that sets it apart from power and authority. Hence, we
often differentiate between headship and leadership. A department
head may have the right to require certain actions, whereas a
leader has the ability to inspire certain actions. Although both
functions may be served by the same individual, such is clearly not
always the case.
Types of Power
If power is the ability to secure compliance by others, how is
such power exercised? On what is it based? At least two efforts
have been made to identify the bases of power. One model has been
proposed by Etzioni, identifying three types of power. In fact, it
is argued that organizations can be classified according to which
of the three types of power is most prevalent. Coercive
power involves forcing someone to comply with one’s
wishes. A prison organization is an example of a coercive
organization. Utilitarian power is power based on
performance-reward contingencies; for example, a person will comply
with a supervisor in order to receive a pay raise or promotion.
Business organizations are thought to be essentially utilitarian
organizations. Finally, normative power rests on
the beliefs of the members in the right of the organization to
govern their behavior. An example here would be a religious
organization.
Bases of Power
Although useful for comparative analysis of divergent
organizations, this model may have limited applicability, because
most business and public organizations rest largely on utilitarian
power. Instead, a second model, developed by French and Raven, of
the bases of power may be more helpful. French and
Raven identified five primary ways in which power can be exerted in
social situations.
Referent Power. In some cases, person
B looks up to or admires person A, and, as a
result, B follows A largely because of
A’s personal qualities, characteristics, or reputation. In
this case, A can use referent power to
influence B. Referent power has also been called
charismatic power, because allegiance is based on
interpersonal attraction of one individual for another. Examples of
referent power can be seen in advertising, where companies use
celebrities to recommend their products; it is hoped that the star
appeal of the person will rub off on the products. In work
environments, junior managers often emulate senior managers and
assume unnecessarily subservient roles more because of personal
admiration than because of respect for authority.
Expert Power. Expert power is demonstrated when
person A gains power because A has knowledge or expertise relevant
to B. For instance, professors presumably have power in the
classroom because of their mastery of a particular subject matter.
Other examples of expert power can be seen in staff specialists in
organizations (e.g., accountants, labor relations managers,
management consultants, and corporate attorneys). In each case, the
individual has credibility in a particular—and narrow—area as a
result of experience and expertise, and this gives the individual
power in that domain.
Legitimate Power. Legitimate power exists when
person B submits to person A because B feels that A has a right to
exert power in a certain domain. Legitimate power is really another
name for authority, as explained earlier. A supervisor has a right,
for instance, to assign work. Legitimate power differs from reward
and coercive power in that it depends on the official position a
person holds, and not on his or her relationship with others.
Legitimate power derives from three sources. First, prevailing
cultural values can assign power to some group. In Japan and Korea,
for instance, older employees derive power simply because of their
age. Second, legitimate power can be attained as a result of the
accepted social structure. For example, many Western European
countries, as well as Japan, have royal families that serve as a
cornerstone to their societies. Third, legitimate power may be
designated, as in the case of a board of directors choosing a new
company president or a person being promoted into a managerial
position. Whatever the reason, people exercise legitimate power
because subordinates assume they have a right to exercise it. A
principal reason given for the downfall of the shah of Iran is that
the people came to first question and then denounce his right to
legitimate power.
Reward Power. Reward power exists when person
A has power over person B because A
controls rewards that B wants. These rewards can cover a
wide array of possibilities, including pay raises, promotions,
desirable job assignments, more responsibility, new equipment, and
so forth. Research has indicated that reward power often leads to
increased job performance as employees see a strong
performance-reward contingency. However, in many organizations,
supervisors and managers really do not control very many rewards.
For example, salary and promotion among most blue-collar workers is
based on a labor contract, not a performance appraisal.
Coercive Power.Coercive power is
based primarily on fear. Here, person A has power over
person B because A can administer some form of
punishment to B. Thus, this kind of power is also referred
to as punishment power. As Kipnis points out, coercive power does
not have to rest on the threat of violence. “Individuals exercise
coercive power through a reliance upon physical strength, verbal
facility, or the ability to grant or withhold emotional support
from others. These bases provide the individual with the means to
physically harm, bully, humiliate, or deny love to others.”
Examples of coercive power in organizations include the ability
(actual or implied) to fire or demote people, transfer them to
undesirable jobs or locations, or strip them of valued perquisites.
Indeed, it has been suggested that a good deal of organizational
behavior (such as prompt attendance, looking busy, avoiding
whistle-blowing) can be attributed to coercive, not reward, power.
As Kipnis explains, “Of all the bases of power available to man,
the power to hurt others is possibly the most often used, most
often condemned and most difficult to control.”
Behavioral Consequences of Power
We have seen, then, that at least five bases of power can be
identified. In each case, the power of the individual rests on a
particular attribute of the power holder, the follower, or their
relationship. In some cases (e.g., reward power), power rests in
the superior; in others (e.g., referent power), power is given to
the superior by the subordinate. In all cases, the exercise of
power involves subtle and sometimes threatening interpersonal
consequences for the parties involved. In fact, when power is
exercised, employees have several ways in which to respond. These
are shown in Figure \(\PageIndex{2}\).
If the subordinate accepts and identifies with the leader, his
behavioral response will probably be one of commitment.
That is, the subordinate will be motivated to follow the wishes of
the leader. This is most likely to happen when the person in charge
uses referent or expert power. Under these circumstances, the
follower believes in the leader’s cause and will exert considerable
energies to help the leader succeed.
A second possible response is compliance. This occurs
most frequently when the subordinate feels the leader has either
legitimate power or reward power. Under such circumstances, the
follower will comply, either because it is perceived as a duty or
because a reward is expected; but commitment or enthusiasm for the
project is lacking. Finally, under conditions of coercive power,
subordinates will more than likely use resistance. Here, the
subordinate sees little reason—either altruistic or material—for
cooperating and will often engage in a series of tactics to defeat
the leader’s efforts.
Power Dependencies
In any situation involving power, at least two persons (or
groups) can be identified: the person attempting to influence
others and the target or targets of that influence. Until recently,
attention focused almost exclusively on how people tried to
influence others. Only recently has attention been given to how
people try to nullify or moderate such influence attempts. In
particular, we now recognize that the extent to which influence
attempts are successful is determined in large part by the
power dependencies of those on the receiving end
of the influence attempts. In other words, all people are not
subject to (or dependent upon) the same bases of power. What causes
some people to be more submissive or vulnerable to power attempts?
At least three factors have been identified.
Subordinate’s Values. To begin, person
B’s values can influence his susceptibility to influence.
For example, if the outcomes that A can influence are
important to B, then B is more likely to be open
to influence than if the outcomes were unimportant. Hence, if an
employee places a high value on money and believes the supervisor
actually controls pay raises, we would expect the employee to be
highly susceptible to the supervisor’s influence. We hear comments
about how young people don’t really want to work hard anymore.
Perhaps a reason for this phenomenon is that some young people
don’t place a high value on those things (for example, money) that
traditionally have been used to influence behavior. In other words,
such complaints may really be saying that young people are more
difficult to influence than they used to be.
Nature of Relationship Between A and
B. In addition, the nature of the relationship
between A and B can be a factor in power
dependence. Are A and B peers or superior and
subordinate? Is the job permanent or temporary? A person on a
temporary job, for example, may feel less need to acquiesce,
because he won’t be holding the position for long. Moreover, if
A and B are peers or good friends, the influence
process is likely to be more delicate than if they are superior and
subordinate.
Counterpower. Finally, a third factor to
consider in power dependencies is counterpower.
The concept of counterpower focuses on the extent to which
B has other sources of power to buffer the effects of
A’s power. For example, if B is unionized, the
union’s power may serve to negate A’s influence attempts.
The use of counterpower can be clearly seen in a variety of
situations where various coalitions attempt to bargain with one
another and check the power of their opponents.
Figure \(\PageIndex{3}\) presents a rudimentary model that
combines the concepts of bases of power with the notion of power
dependencies. As can be seen, A’s bases of power interact
with B’s extent of power dependency to determine
B’s response to A’s influence attempt. If
A has significant power and B is highly
dependent, we would expect B to comply with A’s
wishes.
If A has more modest power over B, but
B is still largely power dependent, B may try to
bargain with A. Despite the fact that B would be
bargaining from a point of weakness, this strategy may serve to
protect B’s interests better than outright compliance. For
instance, if your boss asked you to work overtime, you might
attempt to strike a deal whereby you would get compensatory time
off at a later date. If successful, although you would not have
decreased your working hours, at least you would not have increased
them. Where power distribution is more evenly divided, B may
attempt to develop a cooperative working relationship with A in
which both parties gain from the exchange. An example of this
position is a labor contract negotiation where labor-management
relations are characterized by a balance of power and a good
working relationship.
If B has more power than A, B will
more than likely reject A’s influence attempt. B
may even become the aggressor and attempt to influence A.
Finally, when B is not certain of the power relationships,
he may simply try to ignore A’s efforts. In doing so,
B will discover either that A does indeed have
more power or that A cannot muster the power to be
successful. A good illustration of this last strategy can be seen
in some companies’ responses to early governmental efforts to
secure equal opportunities for minorities and women. These
companies simply ignored governmental efforts until new regulations
forced compliance.
managerial leadership
Administrative Assistants: The Power Behind the
Throne
It is relatively easy to see the power of managers. They often have
the ability to hire and fire, make important decisions, sign
contracts, spend money, and so forth. They are, in fact, powerful
entities within a corporation. What may be less apparent, however,
is the power that managers’ executive or administrative assistants
(EA) often have. In fact, if you want to discover just how powerful
secretaries are, think of what would happen if they were not there.
Most paperwork would not get done, many important decisions would
not be made, and the organization would eventually grind to a
halt.
The EA is intertwined with a very important piece of privileged
information and requires the person to be highly detail oriented
and have incredible soft skills and to be more than just
technologically savvy. Many tech companies are paying top dollar to
procure the right person for the job. Base salaries for executive
assistants in the Bay area have been reportedly starting at
$80–100K base.
Highly skilled EAs have become increasingly hard to recruit and
retain, causing their power to increase. Despite the salary, there
is often a negative connotation with the role of “assistant.”
“There's definitely a stigma” about the title, says 32-year-old
Shana Larson, one of four EAs at Pinterest, the San Francisco
visual discovery company. But for Shana, who holds a master’s
degree from the University of Southern California, after the
initial transition period, she felt that it was the best career
decision to make—a long-term career with growth opportunities.
EAs represent a true example of counterpower within the
organization. Yes, their bosses have power over them; but at the
same time, they have considerable power over their bosses.
Secretaries—the word is derived from the Latin word meaning “keeper
of secrets”—are often privy to considerable confidential
information. They routinely handle private calls, correspondence,
and reports. They often serve as the manager’s sounding board for
new ideas, and they more than likely know how the boss feels about
coworkers and superiors. This knowledge, along with stereotypes,
stigmas, and increased scarcity, gives high-quality EAs
considerable leverage in dealing with their bosses and their
organizations.
Questions:
As a new manager who receives an assistant, what are important
considerations to consider when starting in the role?
What other stigmas or stereotypes can occur with support roles in
the workplace? How does this affect your personal feelings about
taking a support role for a company in the future?
Why is it important for CEOs and other organizational powers to
understand the innate power of an administrative assistant as part
of the holistic picture to understand the company environment as a
whole?